Ja gut. Da wir ja wissen gegen wen das eigentlich gerichtet war (Hint: Es war höchstwahrscheinlich nicht Ulrike Herrmann)...:
Die USA waren nach dem Krieg - so rein was die volkswirtschaftliche Doktrin anging - deutlich sozialdemkratischer, als die vom eisernen Kanzler Adenauer und seinem ordoliberalen Nachfolger Erhard regierte Soziale Marktwirtschaft™.
...schreibe ich mal folgendes von Leuten ab, die sich wirklich damit auskennen:
"[...] Although there are some differences between ordoliberalism or German neoliberalism and American neoliberalism especially concerning their policy implications(2) from the perspective of the history of science both conceptions can be assigned to a common neoliberal thought collective (Mirowski 2014, Mirowski/Plehwe 2009)3. Mirowski (2013) argues that in the initial era of the neoliberal thought collective in the 1940s ordoliberalism was one of the three important strands (or “sects or subguilds”), beside Hayekian Austrian legal theory and Chicago School neoclassical economics.
The second main argument to interpret ordoliberalism as integral part of the neoliberal thought collective is based on very strong personal connections of main ordoliberal scholars with leading neoliberal thinkers and even more explicit with the twofold role of Friedrich Hayek as main proponent in two strands of neoliberalism. On the one hand Hayek was the leading scholar of the third generation of the Austrian School of Economics and together with MPS member Lionel Robbins the main opponent of John Maynard Keynes at the London School of Economics. On the other hand Hayek had close connections with ordoliberals (and later also MPS members) like Walter Eucken, Wilhelm Röpke or Alexander Rüstow yet in the 1930s (Ptak 2004).
In the 1960s Hayek was professor at the University of Freiburg and head of the Walter Eucken Institute in Freiburg. Furthermore he continuously contributed in ordoliberal publications and was even editor of the ordoliberal journal ORDO. Henry Oliver (1960:119) in the Quarterly Journal of Economics even states, that “in a sense he (Hayek) serves as their (ordoliberals) leading political theorist”. In a similar vein Knut Borchardt (1981) stresses the similarities between ordoliberal scholars and Hayek especially in their common political will to establish and preserve capitalism4. Not least Alfred Müller-Armack, one of the politically most influential ordoliberal scholars in Germany in the 1950s to the 1970s, who also coined the term “Social Market Economy”, denotes Hayek, together with Eucken, Franz Böhm, Röpke and Rüstow as pioneer of the ordoliberal “Wirtschaftsordnungstheorie” (Ptak 2004).
A second episode in German economic history indicating the continuous political influence of economists, organized around the infrastructure of German neoliberalism, was the period of the “monetarist turn” in Germany in the early 1970s after a short period of “German Keynesianism” in the late 1960s (Hagemann 2008)8. Janssen (2006:83) analyzed the “counter revolution in the German money theory”, i.e. the theoretical debate of German economists about Milton Friedman’s monetarist theory and showed, who introduced monetarism into German economics. Janssen concludes that 15 mainly young German economists (“the revolt of the 30-year old”), especially from 1970 to 1976, initiated the monetarist anti-Keynesian revolution in German economics (e.g. Neumann 1972). This initiative resulted in the monetarist turn of the German Bundesbank, which as first central bank worldwide introduced monetarist money supply target as suggested by Milton Friedman (Giersch et al. 1994, Richter 1999, Feld et al. 2014).
A third important episode in German economic history, where the influence of economists organized around the infrastructures of German neoliberalism gets obvious is the period of the “neoliberal turn” in Germany in the early 1980s. Leaman (2009:5) for instance argues that although there are also several indicators of continuity “1982 can still be seen as a very significant marker in the history of Germany’s political economy (...) because it ushered in a period in which there was a gradual but inexorable shift in the quality of economic policy decisions, the ideological paradigm within which they were consistently framed and the global context within which nation, regional and global institutions operated”. In 1981 the Minster of economics Otto Graf Lambsdorff (Free Democratic Party, FDP) published a seminal paper entitled “Manifesto for market economy: concept for a policy to overcome weak growth performance and reduce unemployment” – the so-called Lambsdorff-paper -, where he stressed that the government interfered too much in the free market and suggested radical labor market reforms, strict budget consolidation and deregulation policies.
Beginning with the foundation of the German Federal Republic in the late 1940s, and later during the “monetarist turn” of the German Bundesbank in the 19702 and the “neoliberal turn” in German economic politics in the early 1980s economists connected in the infrastructures of German neoliberalism had key positions which allowed them to gain influence on economic policies and (re-)establish the economic imaginary of Social Market Economy in its German neoliberal interpretation."
Stephan Pühringer: Think Tank networks of German neoliberalism - Power structures in economics and economic policies in post-war Germany, ICAE Working Paper Series - No. 53 - September 2016 (->PDF)